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Examples
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BOLD: He boldly embezzled the proceeds from the weapons he secretly ordered sold to Iran in an arms-for-hostage tribute-paying scheme intended to rig the 1986 U.S. congressional elections.
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Iran-Contra special prosecutor Lawrence Walsh, a Republican himself, counted Silberman as one of "a powerful band of Republican [judicial] appointees [who] waited like the strategic reserves of an embattled army," determined to prevent any judgments against Reagan's operatives who broke the law in the arms-for-hostage scandal.
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Iran-Contra special prosecutor Lawrence Walsh also came to suspect that that later arms-for-hostage case traced back to 1980, since it was the only way to make sense of why the Reagan-Bush team continued selling arms to Iran in 1985-86 when there was so little progress in reducing the number of American hostages then held by Iranian allies in Lebanon.
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Iran-Contra special prosecutor Lawrence Walsh also came to suspect that that later arms-for-hostage case traced back to 1980, since it was the only way to make sense of why the Reagan-Bush team continued selling arms to Iran in 1985-86 when there was so little progress in reducing the number of American hostages then held by Iranian allies in Lebanon.
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Iran-Contra special prosecutor Lawrence Walsh, a Republican himself, counted Silberman as one of "a powerful band of Republican [judicial] appointees [who] waited like the strategic reserves of an embattled army," determined to prevent any judgments against Reagan's operatives who broke the law in the arms-for-hostage scandal.
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But the Iranian arms-for-hostage deal that leaked out later that year blew such claims to smithereens.
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In early September 1985, Weinberger dispatched a Pentagon emissary to meet with Iranians in Europe, another step that would seem to make little sense if Weinberger and Powell were indeed in the dark about the details of the arms-for-hostage operation.
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In early September 1985, Weinberger dispatched a Pentagon emissary to meet with Iranians in Europe, another step that would seem to make little sense if Weinberger and Powell were indeed in the dark about the details of the arms-for-hostage operation.
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The behavior of Powell and Weinberger in the following days also suggested that they knew an arms-for-hostage swap was under way.
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Iran-Contra special prosecutor Lawrence Walsh also came to suspect that the arms-for-hostage trail led back to 1980, since it was the only way to make sense of why the Reagan-Bush team continued selling arms to Iran in 1985-86 when there was so little progress in reducing the number of American hostages in Lebanon.
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